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Indeed, in those municipalities
with a more homogeneous linguistic composition, we find educational
contexts in which the connection between language and social composition
is accentuated. Where Spanish is the majority language, the minority
of schools with a substantial number of Catalan-speaking pupils
have a stronger family educational background than in other municipalities.
However, in Catalan-speaking municipalities, the connection is accentuated
in the schools with fewest Catalan-speaking pupils, where the family
educational background is poorer than at schools with a similar
linguistic composition in other municipalities.
Finally, we present a table to verify whether, irrespective of
these differences in level of education, there are also differentiated
patterns of distribution according to the parents' level of education
among pupils who are Catalan-speaking, on the one hand, and those
who are not, on the other. For this purpose we have separated the
variable for level of education into figures for Catalan speakers
and for non-Catalan speakers.
Table 5. Percentage of pupils in schools according
to linguistic composition (by quartiles), family educational background
and language used by pupils at home
Type of municipality |
Linguistic composition
of schools (% of Catalan speakers) |
Family educational
background and language used at home |
Catalan speakers |
Non Catalan speakers |
Total |
Compulsory education or less |
Post-compulsory education |
Higher education |
Compulsory education or less |
Post-compulsory education |
Higher education |
Spanish-speaking municipalitie |
0-25% |
26,5 |
19,3 |
8 |
66 |
49,1 |
37,5 |
44,1 |
25-50% |
46 |
43,4 |
37,2 |
28,4 |
41,9 |
49,3 |
37,5 |
50-75% |
15,9 |
23,7 |
15,6 |
5,3 |
8,1 |
7,4 |
10,5 |
75-100% |
11,5 |
13,7 |
39,2 |
3 |
0,9 |
5,9 |
7,9 |
Total |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
Bilingual municipalitie |
0-25% |
10,5 |
2,6 |
0 |
32,1 |
25 |
12,2 |
14 |
25-50% |
13,1 |
8,7 |
7,7 |
23,2 |
26,2 |
13,9 |
15,3 |
50-75% |
53,1 |
45,4 |
39,9 |
36,4 |
35,1 |
54,8 |
42,5 |
75-100% |
23,3 |
43,4 |
52,3 |
8,2 |
13,7 |
19,1 |
28,2 |
Total |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
Catalan-speaking municipalitie |
0-25% |
2,9 |
1,2 |
0 |
13,6 |
4,8 |
0 |
4,8 |
25-50% |
6,4 |
6,4 |
5,2 |
20,9 |
16,7 |
22,2 |
11 |
50-75% |
50,3 |
41,9 |
45,9 |
58,1 |
50 |
50 |
49,5 |
75-100% |
40,4 |
50,6 |
48,9 |
7,3 |
28,6 |
27,8 |
34,7 |
Total |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
As can be seen in Table 5, in Catalan-speaking
municipalities, Catalan-speaking families are distributed similarly
among the different quartiles for schools irrespective of their
level of studies. Although those whose studies go beyond compulsory
education tend to go more to schools with a majority of Catalan-speaking
pupils, the differences are not significant. However, this is not
the case in Spanish-speaking municipalities, where we do find marked
differences: Catalan-speaking families with higher studies send
proportionally more of their children to schools with Catalan-speaking
majorities than do Catalan-speaking families with a more limited
educational background. Once again, we observe the mechanism of
"withdrawal" in these contexts, among the Catalan-speaking
families with higher status.
In the case of non Catalan-speaking families, the
logic tends to be reversed. In Catalan-speaking municipalities we
find significant differences according to the level of education,
while in Spanish-speaking municipalities the differences are smaller.
In municipalities with a Catalan-speaking majority, pupils who do
not use Catalan at home are distributed differentially according
to their parents' level of education, which was not the case with
Catalan-speaking families. Families who are not Catalan-speaking,
with a low level of studies, have a stronger relative presence in
less "Catalanised" schools than families with a higher
level of education. However, in Spanish-speaking municipalities,
although there are some differences according to level of studies,
they are minor. The main difference is the greater presence of less
educated families in the bottom quartile, notably greater than that
of families with a better educational background.
Another feature of note in this table is that in
bilingual municipalities we also find differences according to the
level of education, both among Catalan-speaking pupils and those
who are not Catalan-speaking. However, these differences are less
marked than those occurring in more homogeneous contexts among the
minority-language group.
We can thus see that the relationship previously
analysed between the social composition of schools and their linguistic
composition tends to be more pronounced among the families who are
in a linguistic minority in each municipality. Thus, in Spanish-speaking
municipalities, there is greater differentiation in the distribution
of Catalan-speaking families among the quartiles, according to their
level of education, than there is among families which are not Catalan-speaking
(their presence being greater in more "Catalanised" schools,
the higher the level of education). In Catalan-speaking municipalities,
on the other hand, it is the non Catalan-speaking families whose
distribution is differentiated according to the level of studies.
Their presence is greater in schools which are less "Catalanised",
the lower their level of education, while in schools with a Catalan-speaking
majority we find a higher proportion of non Catalan-speaking pupils
whose status is high than those of lower status. In brief: in linguistically
homogeneous municipalities, the differences in distribution according
to level of studies are greater among families in the linguistic
minority group than in the majority group, which tends to have a
distribution which is affected less by levels of education.
4.
Conclusions
The data presented in this article has shown significant levels
of linguistic segregation in the school system in the Catalan municipalities
studied. However, levels of linguistic segregation are similar to
those of social segregation, evidence that it is spontaneous, a
consequence of the processes of residential segregation and the
family's choice of school, which are widespread in the West, even
in those education systems which, like ours, are not based on education
policies which lead to segregation.(11)
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