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However,
the greatest imbalance is found in Spanish-speaking municipalities,
where there are more pupils in the first quartile than in the second
quartile (mean quartile), where Catalan speakers are a much stronger
minority. Practically two thirds of the pupils fall outside the
mean quartile, while only 13.2% of the pupils are to be found in
the quartile of suitability, although the percentage could, potentially,
be over double this figure. In Spanish-speaking municipalities the
distribution does not favour the greatest presence possible of Catalan-speaking
pupils in all schools (all the pupils in the second quartile), or
the alternative distribution which maximises the number of pupils
(from 25% to 30%) in the quartile of suitability. We would view
the latter model as undesirable, as it would leave the remaining
pupils in schools where there were hardly any Catalan speakers;
this now applies to 44.3% of schools and the number would increase
to approximately 70%.
3.
Relationship between the linguistic and social composition of
schools
In this section we will examine the relationship
between the linguistic composition of schools and their social
composition, interpreted in terms of the level of education of
the pupils' parents. Applying the same grouping by quartiles as
in the preceding section, Table 4 shows that, in the different
linguistic contexts of the municipalities, we find higher levels
of education for the families in the schools in the highest quartile.
It will also be seen that the schools with the lowest proportion
of Catalan speakers are also those whose pupils' families have
the poorest educational background. There are also some differences
between the schools in the two middle quartiles, but they are
less significant. The results portray a clear relationship between
the linguistic and social composition of those centres that have
a more homogeneous linguistic composition, either because Catalan-speaking
families are in a small minority (less than 25%) or because they
constitute a clear majority (over 75%).
Table 4. Percentage of pupils in schools
according to linguistic composition (by quartiles) and family
educational background
Type of municipality |
Family educational background |
Linguistic composition
of schools (% of Catalan speakers) |
0-25% |
25-50% |
50-75% |
75-100 % |
Total |
Spanish-speaking municipalitie |
Compulsory education or less |
58,6 |
35,5 |
28 |
10,8 |
43 |
Post-compulsory education |
32,7 |
43,2 |
50 |
27,3 |
38,1 |
Higher education |
8,7 |
21,2 |
22 |
61,9 |
19 |
Total |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
Bilingual municipalities |
Compulsory education or less |
67,4 |
49,3 |
39,7 |
19,6 |
39,5 |
Post-compulsory education |
27,3 |
35,2 |
33,9 |
39,2 |
34,7 |
Higher education |
5,3 |
15,5 |
26,4 |
41,2 |
25,9 |
Total |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
Catalan-speaking municipalities |
Compulsory education or less |
86,8 |
62,7 |
54,6 |
37 |
50,7 |
Post-compulsory education |
13,2 |
22,9 |
25,8 |
37,3 |
29 |
Higher education |
0 |
14,5 |
19,7 |
25,7 |
20,3 |
Total |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
100 |
According to the linguistic profile
of the municipality, there are some significant differences, especially
between Spanish-speaking and Catalan-speaking municipalities.
The schools with a higher proportion of Catalan speakers (top
quartile) in municipalities with Spanish-speaking majorities have
pupils with better family educational backgrounds. Care must be
taken when making comparisons between different municipalities,
as the weight of the different levels of studies of the families
varies from one municipality to another. However, it is precisely
the Spanish-speaking municipalities which have the lowest percentage
of families with higher studies. As a result, the differences
referred to in connection with bilingual and Catalan-speaking
municipalities are particularly noticeable.
In Spanish-speaking municipalities
we can distinguish two "withdrawal" strategies among
families with higher levels of education. On the one hand, there
is "flight" to grant-maintained schools in neighbouring
municipalities, and, on the other, the concentration of some families
with high levels of education in schools in their own municipality
which enjoy a high level of "social prestige", mainly
grant-maintained schools.(10)
In both cases these processes of "social withdrawal"
have effects on the linguistic composition of schools. In the
first case, the "flight" to neighbouring municipalities
leads to a reduction in the density of Catalan-speaking families
in the municipality. In the second, the process of social withdrawal
to certain schools in the centre of towns and cities gives rise
to cases of pronounced linguistic segregation, with over 75% of
Catalan-speaking families. These two mechanisms in the choice
of school lead to the generation of school contexts with a very
limited number of Catalan-speaking families, as a result of their
concentration in certain schools, either in the municipality itself
or in a neighbouring municipality. In these municipalities a balanced
distribution of Catalan-speaking pupils would produce schools
where Catalan-speaking pupils were in the minority, but the process
of "flight" - whether inter-municipal or intra-municipal
- leaves most schools with a minimal, or even non-existent, proportion
of Catalan-speaking pupils.
We will now consider the differences
between municipalities regarding schools in the lowest quartile
(i.e. schools with less than 25% of Catalan-speaking families).
In Catalan-speaking municipalities, the educational background
of pupils at schools in this quartile tends to be poorer than
in other municipalities. It should be pointed out that in these
municipalities, unlike Spanish-speaking municipalities, there
are very few schools in this quartile. These schools are attended
by 5% of the pupils in the municipality, while in Spanish-speaking
municipalities these schools account for 44% of pupils. If we
consider the second quartile, we also find that levels of education
are proportionally lower than in Spanish-speaking municipalities.
Furthermore, in the Catalan-speaking municipalities the schools
in the lowest quartile have particularly low results in terms
of educational background, compared with the average levels of
education for the municipalities.
The fact that the schools in the
first quartile (and in the second) are in a minority in Catalan-speaking
municipalities may partly explain this poor educational background.
In all likelihood, in bilingual and Spanish-speaking municipalities,
the schools with the poorest family educational backgrounds are
also in these quartiles (especially the first), but there are
also schools where this tendency is less pronounced. In Catalan-speaking
municipalities, on the other hand, the few schools in which the
majority of pupils are Spanish-speaking tend to coincide with
a lower level of parental education. In fact, the coincidence
favours the stigmatisation of the schools, as the social status
of their pupils' families is reflected in a clearly visible distinctive
cultural trait (the use of Spanish).
As we have verified in the course
of our research, the main motive of choice among families with
a medium-high socioeconomic status is the social composition of
centres (Benito and Gonzàlez, 2007). In contexts where
there is a Catalan-speaking majority, the "Spanishness"
of some schools may act as a symbolic marker for the presence
of a significant proportion of families whose status is low. This
association between Spanish-speaking schools and low status, may
encourage the response of "flight" to more "Catalanised"
schools among medium- and high-status Catalan-speaking families
(and, to a lesser extent, non Catalan-speaking families).
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