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Summary
1.
Language as economic activity
2.
Authenticity in the globalized new economy
3. The
language worker
4.
Bibliography
1. Language as economic activity
The purpose of this article
is to explore some of the ways in which language figures in the globalized new economy.
Most sociolinguist work on contemporary social change focusses on language rights (in the
face of the putative spread of English) or on language learning; very little focusses on
where language fits in the daily experiences of people working and living in the shifting
conditions of the new economy. This essay aims at sketching out what major sociolinguistic
issues may be related to the current expansion of the service and information sector, and
indeed argues that a sociolinguistic perspective is essential to understanding the nature
of activity in that sector. These issues include: the centrality of language as both mode
of production and product; the treatment of language as a work-related competence, either
as a measurable skill, or, conversely, as a talent; the tension between defining the value
of language in the workplace in terms of ideologies of language as technical skill or as
authentic possession of groups considered legitimate "owners"; and emerging
consequences of those choices for the new "language workers". My main argument
is that the new economy has difficulty managing the new centrality of language, since it
is caught in contradictions between standardization and flexibility, horizontal management
and quality control, and technical versus authentic understandings of the value of
language itself.
One of the
major features of the new economy is the central role that language plays, both as a means
of production and as a product itself. In activities associated with primary resource
extraction or its secondary transformation, communication, and in particular written
communication, tends to be the work of management, not of labour. It is management that
uses language to produce reports, to make plans, to send memos, to conduct meetings.
Relevant information is transmitted to the workforce through middlemen, who occupy a
position in the hierarchy between management and labour. Labour itself is often working in
conditions that make communication difficult; too much noise, too much danger. Moreover,
the specific form of industrial organization of labour which we know as
"Fordism" or "Taylorism", that is, assembly-line work in which tasks
are separated one from the other, and supervised in a hierarchical arrangement of workers,
particularly relegated communication to the margins as a potential threat to the social
order which made Fordist production possible.
In a factory
in which I did fieldwork in Montreal in the late 1970s (cf. Heller 2002), industrial
production was located on the ground floor. The noise was so loud that most workers wore
earplugs, and most also wore a variety of safety equipment. In order to communicate the
minimal amounts of information that were in fact needed, they had developed a set of hand
gestures as signals. Foremen worked alone in soundproofed, glassed-in booths, emerging
regularly to make the rounds of the lines or sometimes receiving single workers, other
foremen or superintendents in their booths for brief exchanges. Among themselves, when
workers and foremen could talk, the language was French, with a significant portion of
technical vocabulary in the English in which it arrived either from the (mainly British
and American) sources of industrial production or from the anglophone management.
Communication with management was mediated through a team of three bilingual
superintendants, all of Irish origin, that is, from the Catholic working-class background
which allowed them to learn French from their francophone Catholic working-class
neighbours. Management was English-speaking, including those few francophones who found
themselves up one rung of the ladder, inhabited the upper floors of the building or the
building across the street, working in quiet, carpeted offices.
But those
conditions are rare in the First World these days. As Boutet
(2001:56) asserts:
"Dans le
taylorisme, parler et travailler sont considérés comme des activités antagonistes.
Parler fait perdre du temps, distrait, empêche de se concentrer sur les gestes à
accomplir. (
) La mise en place de nouveaux modes de production et en particulier
lautomation, la robotisation et linformatisation des activités, comme la mise
en place de nouveaux modes de gestion des salariés (management participatif,
responsabilisation, équipes semi-autonomes, auto-contrôle
) auront deux
conséquences majeures en ce qui concerne le statut du langage au travail. Lune
cest la généralisation du recours à lécrit (lecture et écriture) dans
tous les métiers et activités y compris déqualifiées (
). Lautre cest
lémergence dune compétence de communication".
The new
economy is, then, partly about the reorganization, or restructuring, of what remains of
the "old" economy of primary resource extraction and industrial transformation
(Gee, et al. 1996). Companies eliminated much of
middle management, and decentralized decision-making, thereby placing greater
responsibility for organizing and monitoring work activity on workers themselves, and on
teams requiring members coordination. The nature of production itself shifted to
greater use of computerization, in modes of production requiring complex literacy skills,
and ways of moving rapidly between a variety of modes of communication.
Moreover, the new economy is in many ways about language, and other forms of
communication, themselves. Providing services has a lot to do with communication, whether
face-to-face (with the cashier in your supermarket, your financial analyst or your tour
guide) or mediated by other forms of communication, notably electronic ones (and these can
run from designing interfaces for automatic teller machines, to working between phone
lines and computer screens in call centres). The same is true for producing information.
But also, tellingly, language itself can be commodified, in a number of different ways.
Boutet points put that these shifts in mode of production and nature of product have as a
major consequence the "emergence of a work-related communicative competence". In
the context of the "new work order" described by Gee and others (cf. Cameron
2001; Strathern 2000), this means several things. First, the new work order places an
emphasis on flexibility, seeing work-related competences as unified "skill sets"
which workers can acquire and add on to their repertoire, calling on them as the situation
requires, and increasing their value (that is, their mobility) as workers. This entails
treating competences as objectifiable, unified, measurable and standardized
"skills".
Communicative
competences can be treated much the same way: in her work on an Ontario call centre, Roy
(2003) showed how several language related competencies were treated in ways similar to
other forms of work-related competence.
For example,
all procedures, including interaction with clients, were standardized (cf. also Cameron
2001); French-English bilingualism was treated as a knowledge set in exactly the same way
as, say, knowledge regarding the companys automobile service sector; linguistic
proficiency was subject to standardized testing. To provide an example at the level of
policy, the Canadian federal government has recently set up an association (Language Industry Association / Association
de lindustrie de la langue) to promote Canadas language "industry",
which is understood to concern translation, interpretation, language teaching, and voice
recognition, all in the service of multilingual private enterprise (the website claims,
for example, that "Une enquête de Emarketer réalisée en Finlande et aux
États-Unis confirme effectivement quun site web multilingue constitue un facteur de
crédibilité significatif pour lentreprise". Treating language as a skill in
this way means, of course, that language-related work increases (and has to be paid for),
whether that concerns developing and delivering the language training programs, the
language competence evaluation criteria and instruments, or the capacity to translate from
one language to another.
However, some
recent research in which I have been involved shows that these procedures are not
universal. It is equally likely that companies will treat language not as an objective
skill, but rather as an innate talent. The advantage to the second approach is to render
communicative skills invisible, and therefore eliminate them from consideration as
something to be paid for in and of themselves, as well as rendering unnecessary the
related activities which also would have to be bought (language training, translation,
etc.). Either way, however, language, or more broadly communication, is understood as a
key component of work-related competence, whether objectified as a skill or rendered
invisible as a talent.
This dilemma
points to another way in which the new work order shapes what counts as work-related
language competence. The new work order places equal emphasis on professionalism and
quality. This usually refers to two, and in many ways contradictory, sets of values: on
the one hand, standardization in the service of "audit culture" -related
surveillance and measurement (Strathern 2001), and of Fordist control over production;
and, on the other, adaptability and authenticity. Service providers are meant to reach
clients "in their own language" (whatever type of linguistic variability that
might refer to), but since clients rarely only come in one size, it is difficult to find
standardized routines that correspond to a wide variety of ways of speaking (or writing),
as well as workers able to take on a wide variety of guises. While much has been made in
the U.S. press about workers in Indian call centres being trained to take on American
personae (down to appropriate names, information on local weather in the US and the right
"accent"), it is not clear to what extent such attempts to produce and
standardize authenticity are in fact convincing. In a New Brunswick call centre in which
we conducted fieldwork, representatives varied widely in their commitment to playing the
authenticity game, and all but the most routine encounters almost invariably occasioned a
removal of the mask. The new work order thus produces paradoxes or contradictions between
standardization and authenticity which it is left to individual workers to manage.
2. Authenticity in the globalized new economy
A feature of the globalized new economy which has perhaps received more attention in
the literature on tourism and community economic development than in that on language is
the value placed on authenticity (cf. Craik 1997; Alcaras, et al. 2001; Yarymowich 2003; LeMenestrel 1999).
Standardized products of the Fordist economy were prized precisely as an index of
modernity; a striking passage in the Canadian childrens classic, Anne of Green Gables, set in early 20th century
Prince Edward Island, concerns Annes longing for a factory-produced pink celluloid
hairbrush (although it is likely Annes authenticity as a symbol of traditional
country life which appeals to the thousands of visitors from around the world who annually
visit the constructed site of fictive "Annes home"). A hallmark of the
globalized new economy is the opposite, it is indices of authenticity (whether
traditional, modern or post-modern is not relevant).
And
language is one way to produce authenticity (although by no means the only one). T-shirts
and other standardized items can be made authentic through the use of symbols of tradition
(such as Celtic crosses) and of slogans in regional or local languages; at a conference I
attended recently, a delegate brought with him a T-shirt printed in Picard, a linguistic
variety of northeast France. Traditional music, whether done "straight" as an
authentic reproduction or stylized through mixing with other, more contemporary, musical
forms such as hip hop or reggae, uses minority languages as a symbol of its authenticity.
Louisiana recently has invested in issuing brands of authenticity for cultural products
identifiable (and apparently certifiable) as Cajun or Creole (Dubois 2004), of which
linguistic brands and some linguistic symbols are important elements.
The trick is
to balance authenticity (a tie to the local, to the face-to-face scale of human relations)
with marketability, that is, the local product with the, if not global, at least
international market. Thus while an investment in the capital of distinction (Bourdieu
1979) opens up spaces for regional economies, produits
du terroir and other marketable cultural artefacts and experiences, the marketing does
have to reach its clientele, whose limits on the tolerance of all elements of authenticity
remain unclear (how would people feel about using Annes heating or plumbing, for
example?).
In our
research, we have been tracking changes in French-language minority communities in Canada
whose economic base has shifted from primary and secondary sector economies to tertiary
sector ones. The first kind of economy (mining, fishing, the lumber industry, the
automobile and textile manufacturing industries, for example) provided a basis for the
reproduction of an ethnolinguistic community forged around a nationalist or
quasinationalist ideology, as well as around the solidarity of the marginalized.
Francophones were over represented among workers, and tended to organize in fairly tightly
clustered communities. The nationalist or quasi-nationalist social movements associated
with socioeconomic mobility legitimized themselves on the basis of tradition, and focussed
on the importance of maintaining such linguistically homogeneous spaces, whether
territorial or institutional; their aim however was to use these spaces as a basis for
education and the accumulation of other important resources in the quest for access to
modern sources of power and wealth (Heller and Labrie 2003).
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