|
Summary
1.
Preamble
2.
Literary studies
3.
Social and functional variation
4.
Symptoms, signs and symbols
5. Some
objects for the application of stylistics
6.
Conclusions
7.
Bibliography
1.
Preamble
It is
certainly not an easy task to define the limits of stylistics with respect to neighbouring
disciplines such as rhetoric, microsociolinguistics or pragmatics. The label
"stylistics" is related to very specific writers and schools, such as Charles
Bally and subsequently, in connection with idealist stylistics, Leo Spitzer, Dámaso
Alonso and Amado Alonso. In different order of things, the discipline can also be linked
with the work on functional language variation, where the term "style" overlaps
with that of "register", and is closer to the latter epistemological area.
Recently, certain linguists have put this disciplinary label back in circulation as a
branch of the old rhetoric, and currently Bally is looking for the foundations of a stylistics
of language, beyond individual speech acts, and not limited to the ambit of literary
creation (Adam 1997).
What is more,
we note the closeness to some of the subdivisions within pragmatic linguistics -such as
speech act theory, the study of politeness or metaphor and irony from the point of view of
relevance theory- to the interest scholars are now showing in style, within the
contribution made by pragmatics. These are all factors that, taken together, have ushered
in a new and explicit label for this area of the discipline: "pragmastylistics".
So, in view of the topic's complexity and the possible points of connection with
pragmatics, it would be worthwhile now revisiting certain epistemological areas where
stylistics has taken root, to then go on to examine the different dimensions of style.
2.
Literary studies
As is well
known, the study of style has its origins in Rhetoric, and in particular in elocutio or
the study and improvement of expression, which steadily gained ground over the course of
time with the weakening of some of the classic components of Rhetoric. Indeed, as interest
focused increasingly on written texts, memoria and actio-pronuntiatio were
relegated to second place, and inventio, shifted, especially from the 16th century
onward, to a large extent from rhetoric (the art of bene dicere) to logic (the art
of vere dicere). The other important component, dispositio, was eventually
to be given a boost, centuries later, with the advent of narratology and text linguistics.
Yet for many years, scarcely any points of contact were found with a linguistics which
took the sentence as the upper limit of its interest. In contrast, stylistics, focusing as
it did primarily on the study of microstructures, was able to seek an analytical
methodology for the linguistic study of such issues as adjectivisation, the discourse use
of verbs and word order at sentence level. (It should be made clear that stylistics does not
need to limit itself to microstructures, and here we are adopting a broader perspective.
Yet there is no doubt that microstructures have traditionally been the favourite area of
application). On the other hand, the word "style", has in ordinary every day
discourse, a better image than "rhetoric", which is also a factor contributing
to the currency of the same term (style) for the discipline. This, to the detriment of
rhetoric, with whose content it preserves nevertheless a close relationship (Enkvist
1985).
In any case,
style and style considerations preserve a close relationship with elocutio, and the
contemporary study of style originated the old rhetoric and went on to be increasingly
linked to the area of literary studies. And conceptualisation in terms of rhetorical
figures (one of the objects of study within the discipline, as aesthetic resource and
stylistic elaboration, often seemingly as mere ornament) further favoured this trend to
wards the literary. It is clear, too, that these figures, metaphor and irony above all,
are often studied in the context of legal argumentation (Perelman, for instance) or in
relation to the pragmatics of relevance (Sperber and Wilson), or indeed within the ambit
cognitive semantics (G. Lakoff). This is true certainly in the case of Bally, the pioneer
of modern stylistics. He emphasises expressivity of ordinary language (López García
2000). Despite that, his main area of application has been in the analysis of literary
texts. In this way the study of style distanced itself from ordinary speech and
style was even seen, at times, as a transgression, of the ordinary everyday
patterns of speech.
It is
important to note that the idea of choice, of selection of meaningful options
involving a range of variants, is ever present. An author's style in a work can be viewed
as determined by a series of options that the text manifests and which are selected from a
given range of possibilities which the language offers. And when translating, for example,
these can be seen to vary considerably when having to "move house" from one
linguistic system to another (Marco 2002). It is for that reason that, between stylistics
concerned with individual discourse acts and stylistics of the language, the bridges are
many and much frequented. To give just one instance of this: when Spitzer carried out his
masterly analysis of Racine's style as a strategy of "muted" expression, he
looks at the series of options chosen by the dramatist. In showing the value of each of
these choices he gradually and cumulatively sketches out the main outlines of a stylistics
of the French language, continually referring as he does to the corresponding repertoire
of variants for each of the variables in question.
3. Social and functional variation
Since that the
realisation of linguistic units is diverse rather than uniform, choice from among the
possibilities offered, in each case, by the language, becomes meaningful in one way or
another. It could be the speaker's identification with a social group defined by age,
sociocultural level or geographical location (dialectal variation), or it could
represent the speaker's attempts to suit the utterance to the communicative context such
as the precept, interpretation or the construction (functional variation).
Including more than the world of literature, but without excluding it either, stylistics
has to take into account the value of this last type of optionality in all kind of
discourse, to the extent that situational variation is both individual and collective
(Garrido Medina 1997).
In effect, as
with dialectal variation, there is here a correlation between linguistic variation and
social variation, between language and society, since the constraints that govern
stylistic modulation of texts constitute a socially elaborated construct, by virtue of
conventions that have been progressively consolidated and transformed over the course of
the history of the language. Thus, for example, the first historic uses of the
periphrastic perfective tense (inflected simple past) in Catalan was as an expressive
literary usage, an individual choice, in narrative genres such as the medieval chronicles.
Effectively, this was a resource to achieve vivid dramatisation, and involved using the
historic present of the verb to go as auxiliary. Thus va dir used in stead
of the simple form digué (both meaning "he said"). In time, this usage
spread beyond the framework of the chronicles and a purely individual choice, to become a
structurally integrated grammatical feature of the language.
It became,
therefore, an extensively found and structurally conventionalised variant, gramaticalised,
in short; from a sociolinguistic perspective it is a marker in Labov's sense,
since the alternating of the two variants influenced by dialectal factors (present-day
geographical distribution in the Catalan-speaking territories) and at the same time
responding to stylistic factors (not just in Labov's simplified sense as degree of
attention accorded to one's own discourse, but as a multidimensional range of factors:
oral or written context, informal or solemn, even a certain archaic association in the
case of the simple past) (Salvador 2001). But what needs to be noted here is that the
effect of creative style, whose historical origins can be pinpointed, later become stabilised
as a structure of the Catalan linguistic system, the periphrastic perfective. Its use can
no longer be creative, since it has taken on the value of an option of grammatical choice
more or less regulated by convention.
Now, these
patterns that are regulated by social convention do not determine linguistic variants in
the strong sense, seen as a subcode of the language. They have to be seen dynamically, as
a component of the functional concept of register, which has become common place in
studies on variation theory, especially with respect to oral / written dimension, which
today finds methodological support in the technologies of linguistic corpora (Biber et
al. 1998; Payrató and Alturo eds. 2002).
But the
theoretically most potent characterisation of the notion of register surely is to be found
in systemic functionalism, where the concept is defined in terms of meaning potential,
a configuration of semantic resources which members of a linguistic and cultural community
associate with a situation type (type of context). In the Firthian tradition of
British (and Australian) linguistics, language and socio-communicative activity form an
indissoluble whole, such that linguistics cannot relinquish the systematic study of
contextual parameters which help to modulate the discourse.
Thus, for
Halliday and his disciples, the notion of register establishes a model of the context
based on the interaction of three factors: the field, the tenor and the mode,
which refer respectively to sytems of social activity, power relations and solidarity
among the participants and, thirdly, the semiotic distance which is formed, based on the
medium of communication selected. Each of these three factors, in turn, relate to three
types of meaning linking linguistic organisation to social organisation: the ideational
meaning that "naturalises" conceptive reality by means of an institutionalised
social activity; the interpersonal meaning which gives material shape to social relations;
and the textual meaning which gives a semiotic dimension to communication and organises it
sequentially. Also, on a more comprehensive level of context modelling, one would need to
situate the notion of genre, relative to the system of institutionalised,
teleological (goal-oriented) social processes by means of which social activity is
organised in each cultural framework (Martin 1992, 2001).
We can say,
therefore, that the theoretical construct "genre" allows us to explain the
adoption of postures or roles (both on the part of speakers as listeners) in the
communicative interaction and, therefore, also in the way in which registers suitable to
each instance are selected. Similarly, at a lower level, the construct
"register" corresponds to the mechanisms that guide selection of the aptest or
most efficient lexico-grammatical options within the stylistic repertoire of the language.
Of course,
this theorising seeks to account for contextual models of an interpretive order
that could exist as mental representations and determine many of the properties of the
production and reception of discourse in a given linguistic-cultural setting. Among these
properties of discourse, stylistic choices occupy a particularly important place. From
this perspective, style should be considered as a combination of formal properties of
discourse which derive from contextual models (Van Dijk 2001).
There are a
series of corollaries to this approach, if we avoid an a-historical, individualist and
ideologically decaffeinated view of style as a merely "expressive" manifestation
of a an individual personality. In fact, from the point of view of "critical"
discourse analysis, these contextual models guiding stylistic choice of speakers are
subjective interpretations of contexts and their typology, and are clearly subjected to
ideological control. In this sense, then, style becomes one of the more obvious
manifestations of ones ideologies, and a determining factor in its social
reproduction (Van Dijk 1998). But let us go on to examine the functioning of these
properties of discourse which make up style from the angle of its meaning as an option
among the range of possibilities offered by the language.
4. Symptoms, signs and symbols
Taking the
function of language in terms of Buhlers model as a our point of departure, we refer
to symptom when the sign relates to its producer or source; we speak of signal where
semiotic activity has to do with the effect on the receiver; and we speak of symbol when
such relates to the external referent denoted by the sign. It is from this triple
perspective that we are able to enhance our understanding of at least some of the
oscillation in this area of study.
In fact, a
good part of the work done on stylistics has placed emphasis on the first of these
functions, that of style as symptom, referring back to the origin of the discourse,
the subject or originator. The index value of the sign here can refer to the personality
(or indeed the unconscious) of a literary author or of any other source. Thus, there has
often been a tendency in literary studies to take style markers of reiterated occurrence
as evidence in the identification of text authorship. In forensic linguistics too,
scholars have searched for recurrent style markers capable of furnishing practical markers
of plagiarism ("The plagiarism machine") or of identifying authors of anonymous
writings with legal consequences or criminal implications. Behind this approach lies a key
notion in stylistics: that of personal choice. But it is obvious that choice
in context cannot be defined other than by reference to a framework of possible options,
and a repertoire of variation that establishes the universe of practicable alternatives.
As regards the
second function, that of signal, it should be recalled that stylistics inherited
its focus on the persuasive dimension from the old discipline of rhetoric, or at least the
emphasis on the effect achieved (if not sought) on the audience. In more
contemporary terms, we should say that style "proposes" a point of view for the
receivers of the discourse, or more exactly, this point of view is imposed since it
acts as an (often imperceptible, certainly unavoidable) filter, since style is an
essential component of textual semiosis. Put another way, it is by means of stylistic
options chosen in the course of a discourse, that we are made to see things from a
pre-set point of view. This imposition, previous to its eventual pervasive effect,
possesses a cognitive dimension, shaping the perception of the listener-receptor as a
necessary condition for subsequent persuasion. This takes us on to the third of the three
pragmatic types mentioned above, in that the cognitive bias associated with the adoption
of a point of view has to do with the semantic content of the discourse. |