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Graph 1. Language of children's speaking
turns
Source: Vila and Galindo body
of data
Table 5. Language of speaking turns in
languages other than Catalan and Spanish by children
Others
languages |
Frequency |
Percentages |
English (A) |
52 |
0,179% |
French (F) |
5 |
0,017% |
Arabic (AR) |
1 |
0,003% |
German (G) |
1 |
0,003% |
Total other languages |
59 |
0,203% |
Font: corpus Vila, Vial i Galindo
Concerning the scarce presence of
the languages of new immigrants, it must be borne in mind that the
research was carried out between 1996 and 1998, years when the percentage
of foreign pupils in primary education was around 2%, a percentage
far removed from the 12% of the 2006-2007 school year (www.gencat.cat/education).
In fact, the sample of schools did not include centres with a high
proportion of newcomer pupils. Despite this, 2.4% of children in
the sample declared that they used a language other than Catalan
or Spanish with at least one member of their nuclear family. This
percentage is much smaller in the social network questionnaires:
only 1.2% declared that they used languages other than Spanish or
Catalan in their everyday relationships outside the home. In other
words, outside the home, the foreign-language-speaking children
in our study adopted the environment's normal language for relationships.
It is more than probable that research
such as that described here carried out today would record a greater
presence of languages such as Berber, Arabic, Chinese or Romanian.
In this sense, it would be quite daring to extrapolate from the
data presented here. However, it must be taken into account that
the interpersonal use of immigrant languages is in no way proportional
to the presence of foreign language speakers in the classroom. Research
such as that by Gomàriz (2008a, 2008b) shows that, even in
contexts in schools where foreign language speakers exceeded 10%
and were almost all of the same origin (in this case Berber), the
use of these foreign languages falls back rapidly, not only in relations
with classmates but even in relations with brothers and sisters,
in favour of the predominant environmental language – in this
case Catalan. Meanwhile, confusion between foreign, immigrant or
newcomer pupils and foreign-language-speaking pupils must be avoided:
to begin with, a good proportion of recently incorporated pupils
have Spanish as their initial or habitual language. For example,
during the 2006-2007 school year, 43.1% of pupils with non-Spanish
passports registered at schools in Catalonia were from Central or
South America. Secondly, although a substantial percentage of immigrants
do not pass on their languages to their children, in Catalonia there
is a growing percentage of children born in the country who have
foreign initial languages (Vila 2006). Finally, it is quite probable
that a good proportion of foreign language speaking children educated
in Catalonia are adopting Spanish as their language for social inter-relation,
but it must be recognised that we have very little data to be able
to state this with any certainty. In fact, then, everything leads
to the conclusion that, in relative terms, the arrival of new immigrants
must have increased the presence of Spanish in playgrounds, although
it would be bold to state it categorically. In any case, here we
will be analysing data from the School and Usage study.
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