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Contents
1. The "socialisation" of
linguistics. A long road to travel
2. Sociolinguistics. Towards the
emergence of paradigmatic status
3. The study of linguistic
variation
3.1 A multidimensional
approach
3.2 The sociolinguistic vertex
3.3 The pragmatic vertex
3.4 The historical vertex
3.5 The geolinguistic vertex
4. Corollary
5. Bibliography
1.
The "socialisation" of linguistics. A long road to travel
"Shutting
their eyes to a large number of real complexities, has made it possible for the
specialists, from the founding fathers of our science, down to the functionalists and
structuralists of today, to have abstracted a certain number of basic problems, to have
presented perfect solutions within the hypothetical framework. In general they have
achieved, perhaps for the first time, a degree of rigour in the activity of the human
psyche.
Linguists will
always have to return, sporadically, to this programmatic supposition. It should be noted,
however, that a linguistic community is never homogeneous and hardly even
independent, on occasions. The dialectologists have pointed out that linguistic cells are
permeable, and have shown linguistic change extends through space like a wave. But it
still has to be underlined that linguistic diversity starts at our neighbour's door, or
better yet, at home, right where we are."
Martinet (1953 [1996]: 17)
The ever present
nature of language in the life of human beings, and the fact that, as S. Serrano (1993)
says, "what is beyond language is unthinkable" necessarily leads us to consider
that, from a contemporary perspective, all that could refer to it cannot remain outside
the area of interest of linguists. And similarly, if we take a stroll through the history
of linguistics, we will come to realise that this has not exactly been the case. On the
contrary, consideration of language use as a licit object of study has been sadly
neglected, if not actually banished, from the concerns both of traditional linguistics and
its modern counterpart. At the same time, as a consequence or outcome of this neglect, the
variability which language shows, has -- either for reasons of methodological
operationality, or theoretical positions decided by study in abstracto-- been
presented as a sort of nuisance impossible to grapple with and, in the best of cases, of
only secondary interest.
With the
publication in 1916 of the Cours de linguistique générale, the basic principles
of Saussurian linguistics were established. For the teacher from Geneva, the object of
study of his choice had to be langue -the supra-individual and conventional sign
system- to the detriment of parole -the latter being specific and current. This
taxonomy led to the hierarchy of two linguistics: a) the Internal linguistics
associated with langue- given priority by Saussure, who saw language as a system with
its own separate structuring, and analysed the internal structure from a strictly
synchronic viewpoint; and b) the external linguistics -the linguistics of
the parole-, of secondary importance and which relegated historical linguistics and
language geography to marginal status. In short, Saussurian linguistics considered
languages as monolithic entities, homogeneous and, if not independent, at least
essentially autonomous.
In 1933, Leonard
Bloomfield, in his Language, restricted linguistic study even more, reducing it to
a mere formalist descriptivism where the semantic content of the sign and even to an
extent its function, were left out of the picture by this "anti-mentalist"
approach. Later, L. Hjelmslev's Glossematics a linguistic theory formulated in
1943, would put linguistics into an even tighter straitjacket, reducing it to the
relations between the forms that make up the linguistic system.
Lastly, we
obviously have to mention Noam Chomsky: Syntactic Structures (1957) outlines the
theoretic principles of transformational-generational grammar. As is well-known, Chomsky
argued for an approach that restricts itself to study of an "ideal
speaker-listener", with the consequent marginalisation or banishing of linguistic
performance.
What emerges
clearly, therefore, is that both the structuralist and the generative paradigms, with
their considerable impact on the scientific research of the 20th century, consider
language as a system that works according to grammatical rules of an internal nature.
Despite the general agreement that this is so, as far as it goes, it would be quite wrong
to ignore the fact that the study of language in its sociocultural context furnishes very
useful, authentic material, derived from the world of sociolinguistics. The words of
Martinet, an outstanding structuralist linguistics whom we quote above, will serve as the
vantagepoint for us, on a change of perspective that was beginning to be discerned. In
this respect, M. Cohen (1956) reviewed treatment of external linguistics in strict
collaboration (in many instances) with sociology, ethnography and anthropology, and Dell
Hymes (1964: 3-14) provided a very interesting overview, in which he outlined three great
traditions: a) The English tradition, which sees the relations between
language and other aspects of the culture as an interdependence of constituent factors
consisting of social events and acts.
Language is seen
above all as a social activity: its inclusion in an extralinguistic context as a necessary
part of its characterisation or description. In terms of language use in communicative
processes, it is its control or influence on the rest that is considered. Leading names in
this tradition are Malinowsky, Gardiner and Firth; b) the French tradition,
which sees language as one thing, while cultural and social aspects are another, like two
parallel systems or two products of collective psychology with mutual congruence. Language
is considered to be common social heritage the primary function of which is functional, in
that it distinguishes or expresses signifiés. Names in this tradition include
Meillet, Cohen, Sommerfelt, Benveniste and Levi-Strauss; and lastly c) The North-American
tradition, characterised by the attention to fieldwork and interest in the origin and
significance of linguistic categories. The doyens of this tradition are Boas, Sapir and
Bloomfield -although whether the latter should be included is certainly debatable. (1)
It was precisely
when linguists attempted to go beyond the strict limits imposed upon itself by the
discipline, when they began to be interested in the study of relationships between
systems, patterns of language use and social facts, that a whole series of new disciplines
began to emerge such as anthropological linguistics, ethnolinguistics, social psychology,
the sociology of language and sociolinguistics. According to Shuy and Fasold (1972:1-14),
the peremptory need to consider social aspects of languages results from three things: a)
the desire to find a solid empirical base for linguistic theory; b) the conviction
that social factors influencing patterns of use constitute a legitimate topic of research
within the field of linguistic research; and c) response to the increasing concern
that such sociolinguistic knowledge should be applied to urgent educational problems.
It is was within
this framework, initially dominated by sociologists, anthropologists and psychologists
with rudimentary knowledge concerning language, that little by little the first research
began to appear carried by those who were purely or primarily linguists. At this point,
sociolinguistics would add a new component to the linguistic tradition we have just been
outlining, a new dimension: language as a manifestation of human behaviour, understood as
a richer, more complex resource for communication, accumulated and controlled by the mind
of Man, to be used to manage the forms of social and cultural organisation that there are
in human societies (Lavandera 1984: 156).
In the field of
Catalan linguistics, the impact of the general process described here in summary, is
especially clearly seen in the thinking arising out of the annual colloquia at the
Universitat de Barcelona (CLUB), under the auspices of the thematic network
"Linguistic variation: dialectology, sociolinguistics and pragmatics". As I see
it. in these forums a kind of interdisciplinary understanding has emerged, where
linguistic diversity as an object of study has overcome the rigid formalist orthodoxy
which blocked its path, the latter based on the theoretical dictates of the structuralists
and generativists. What we have witnessed, then, is the birth of a corpus linguistics,
which goes beyond introspection and acceptability judgements as methodological tools, and
engages with language data in all its rawness.. In this way, the study of variation has
gained new practitioners, beyond the dialectologist and sociolinguistics traditions.
2.
Sociolinguistics. Towards the emergence of paradigmatic status
"Paradoxically,
while sociolinguistics has arisen out of interest in interlinguistic diversity, it has
become consolidated as a discipline concerned with the analysis of intralinguistic
diversity, the diversity within a given variety. The study of bilingual communities
and the coming together of diverse languages in a single community has superceded, in some
cases, the study of concurrent variants in a monolingual community, and one notes the
functional. parallelism. It is in this second context that such key notions as
"inherent variation" and "sociolinguistic variable" have been
formulated and which characterise not just the variationist approach but also the
ethnographic. The paradox, however, is more formal than real, since what is invariable is
the common interest for the community and for speech as a social fact." Argenter
(1997: 20)
The importance
accorded the social context already clear, as we have said, in some instances in
general linguistics- has since the mid sixties been steadily giving shape to an area of
linguistics which shares common interests with sociology, anthropology, social psychology,
ethnomethodology, pragmatics, discourse analysis, conversational analysis, text
linguistics, and more. Despite opposition to the label sociolinguistics (2) expressed by William Labov, one
of the central figures in this story, this term has gone from strength to strength when it
came to putting a name to an area of knowledge which is profoundly interdisciplinary, but
all set to become a paradigmatic area with its own autonomy. From this perspective,
knowledge of a living language is considered more complete if it enables one to show not
only the structural relations of the system, but also how it functions as a medium of
social communication.
As J. Argenter has
it in the quotation that forms the epigraph for this section, the emergence of
sociolinguistics can be seen to be more closely linked to sociological than to linguistic
focuses of interest, while as it became a fully fledged discipline the latter (the
linguistic) became more important, more central than the former (the sociological). This
ragbag category, which gathers in the research on linguistic phenomena in relation to
social factors, that is, language in its sociocultural context, has been the object of
many attempts to compartmentalise it. (3) All these attempts at
conceptualisation have as their common denominator the distinction made between two main
blocks: one has as its object the description of linguistic aspects of societies, while
the other is interested in linguistic phenomena in relation to certain social variables.
The pre-eminent object of study of the first is society, while that of the second is
language.
Regarding this
primary segmentation of sociolinguistics, probably the dichotomies that have most
prospered are those conceived by Labov and by Fishman. Labov distinguishes between the
wider sociolinguistics and sociolinguistics strictly defined. The first addresses issues
related to patterns of language use, its functions and the communicative situation, and
would include, if only marginally, the sociology of language as an interaction of social
factors languages and/or dialects. The second of these divisions is concerned with the
structure and evolution of language in the social context of a speech community. Fishman
proposes a separation between macrosociolinguistics and microsociolinguistics,
similar in conceptual scope but in no way equivalent- to the wider and narrower
senses, respectively, of the term sociolinguistics observed by Labov (Gimeno and Montoya
1989: 24). Little by little, not without its controversial aspects, it seems that a degree
of consensus has taken shape among scholars, in viewing sociolinguistics as a discipline
with two or three major directions to it: a) The sociology of language; b)
The ethnography of speaking; and c) sociolinguistics strictly defined. While the
first would monopolise Fishman's macro perspective, the other two would together make up
the micro level of inquiry. (4) |