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One of the factors that is most
affected by acculturation is language. Spanish, as a prestigious language, has certainly
made the Sikuani language lose representation and interest for new generations.
Consequently, they make less use of it in everyday life. The preservation of a language
and a significant number of speakers of that language does not guarantee the cultural
identity of a people. It does not matter if the natives insist on declaring the contrary;
reality is against the preservation of their linguistic identity.
The use of the
Sikuani language is guided by social standards: to a colonist, a native can express
himself in his native tongue if he desires to hide something from the person he is
speaking to, or, if he does speak in his native language, he does it as a sort of
demonstration, looking to satisfy the curiosity of the visitor and, in some cases, he may
even be rewarded for it.
The data
recorded while living with the indigenous community of Puerto Gaitán shows diaphasic
differences in the use of both languages. If indeed adults speak and understand their
primary language perfectly, they don't use it in every environment; youth and children
understand but do not speak the language and when they do, it is only to so they are
understood by their parents or family members. That is to say, the Sikuani language is
for family interaction in the home. On the street with colonists, friends, and
relatives they almost always speak in Spanish.
Now we find
ourselves facing a contradictory problem and to a certain degree inherent to the
collective conduct of the people in cultural conflict, expressible in purely linguistic
terms: despite the marked and accelerated influence of the cultural paradigms of the white
man, the cognitive style of Sikuani prevails in the restricted use of their
language, this however the disdain with which it is seen by the very
natives themselves represents a native value, and is considered the emblem of the
people in the process of acculturation, a people that pretending to be another, 'better'
people, has not ceased to see itself any differently in the mirror of its own identity.
This is due to the fact that the Sikuani consider their language as a private tool and do
not wish to share it with the foreigner.
One of the
linguistic factors that most enables them to establish the type of relationships that are
characteristic of a community (monoethic or polyethic) is found in their use of the forms
of address. It is in these relationships where we see much more clearly and precisely
the sensitivity of the language to social transformations. Prominent philologists in the
country agree with this evaluation. One of them affirms that:
"It is
also good to keep in mind that the linguistic sector of the pronominal and verbal forms
used in directly addressing people is one of the most sensitive to social changes and that
in the relationships between different social classes they are immediately and directly
reflected." (Montes, 1967: 3)
Brown and
Gilman (1960), in their universal model of forms of address, explain a series of
fundamental and unavoidable ideas to bring us closer to the problem of interaction that
natives and colonists experience in this area of Colombia. According to the authors, the
use of the different forms of address that exist in any society are related to their
feelings of solidarity and power. As they tell us, when there is reciprocity in
addressing each other (use of the same intimate pronominal form between speakers), it
is a definite sign of solidarity semantics. On the other hand, when instead of
following the rule of reciprocity they follow a rule of
non-reciprocity, it is a sign of power semantics. What is
important about the opinions of Brown and Gilman is the consideration of the language as a
marker of social position and interpersonal relationships as well as a simple means
of communication.
Research done
a few years later by Catherine Rossfelder and Guy-Maxime Lizoir (1987) showed that, among
the different conclusions they came to, one transcendental point was made: the forms of
address tú, usted, and su mercé are polysemes for
they do not maintain a unique but a contextual character. This leads us to confirm that
the forms of address are dynamic and depend on diatopes, diastratics and most of all
diaphasics (situational context).
It is evident
to devote serious analysis to these forms of address in order to try to explain the nature
of the communicational phenomena within the Sikuani society starting with their contact
with the white mans language. Without a doubt, the use of Spanish by the Sikuani is
determined by the type of relationship they has with the white man.
We begin by
framing the general context in which the Sikuani community moves linguistically with
respect to pronominalization. In the same study by Professor Montes titled Sobre el
voceo en Colombia to which we previously alluded, it is evident that "When it
comes to directly addressing people, the inhabitants of the various regions of Colombia
today use, jointly, all of the resources that the Spanish linguistic system offered
from the 15th - 16th centuries." (Montes, 1967: 17, bold print my doing). So, the
forms of address vos, tú, usted, and su
mercé have more or less influence within the country. Colombia is a place that is
rich in forms of address, due in part, from a historical point of view, to the level of
contact with Spain, and socially in feudal relationships that made each region either open
or egalitarian, or, on the other hand, extremely heterogeneous. (2) This colorful mosaic
makes up part of the regional folklore and gives each region, area, and town of Colombia
their own identity.
The use of
forms of address like class markers within socio-cultural contexts as well as
outside of them, meaning, that those that forge regional and/or national identities and
the distinguishing value that Mireya Cisneros refers to is common to studies
like these in Colombia (3) as well as in America and Latin
America:(4) |