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7.
Catalan in young people's political positioning
In the tendency of young people to position themselves in groups
that are close or more further removed from politics, there is a
set of variables that have a powerful explanatory weight. These
are the variables that refer to the intensity of the subjects’
feeling Catalan traits.
By "feeling Catalan", we understand all the variables
that concern shared objective elements that favour individuals perceiving
themselves and being perceived by others as an integrant of something
as controversial as "being Catalan". In the setting of
our piece of research, there are two anchors: the language spoken
during infancy and the personal and family origin of the young people
(Catalonia, the rest of Spain or abroad). “Feeling Catalan”
is shown by the preferential use of Catalan during their childhood,
and the young person and/or their parents having been born in Catalonia;
in other words, the linguistic and family roots in Catalonia. This
is an appropriation of the concept of being Catalan to which we
gave an eminently analytical meaning.
Therefore, we would like to warn people that this is a sui generis
use of being Catalan concept, that has nothing to do with the political
or regulatory considerations about what could be considered to be
the typical uses of being Catalan and what not, beyond the Catalan
language. In this sense, we avoid falling into the demarcation of
being Catalan based on other cultural, folkloric and artistic uses.
Sure enough, there are cultural uses that are more easily identifiable
as being Catalan -and identified by most of the population- however
in our opinion they are not operational markers of being Catalan.
At a social level, one can be considered as being Catalan or not
by the general public -and by oneself- according to one's linguistic
uses, but not according to whether one dances sardanes (a traditional
Catalan dance) or not. Therefore, we do not consider these uses
to be “feeling Catalan” not just because of their difficult
analytical operationality, but also because of the conceptual considerations.
Neither do we understand by “feeling Catalan” the feeling
of perceived assignment, because what we want to perceive are the
elements assigned to an individual that places him or her in a position
of the social structure that does not depend upon them, but on those
who are ascribed beyond their own desire. Linguistic uses in childhood
or the origin of the young person or the family do not depend on
subjective decisions, therefore they are anchors. However, being
Catalan goes beyond these objective anchors, in such a way that
people can perceive themselves and be perceived as representatives
of being Catalan in a way that goes beyond their origin or language
of their childhood, whether due to the language they later use,
or for the subjective perception they have of their national and
cultural assignation.
In any case, we use the idea of anchoring because we have observed
that the language used in childhood and the origin explain different
political positions among young people. The feeling of being Catalan
explains the differences in the political practices and perceptions
of young people as much or even more than their social status. Therefore,
although in the previous part we said, with regard to their variables,
that they refer to social status, this also works in the same way
with regard to the variables that anchor subjects into feeling Catalan.
The greater the level of anchorage, the more possibilities there
are that young people are more closely involved in politics. The
main interest of this lies in the fact that part of this influence
is independent of social status, measured above all on the academic
level of families and their young people, and on their work position.
In other words, although feeling Catalan correlates with status
in explaining positions in the political field of young people,
part of the influence of the variables of anchorage are not owed
to this correlation. It is something that analysis based on models
of regression enables to be shown.
The level of education is certainly an indirect and mistaken level
of social status. Social status depends on other variables such
as those related to social class (family capital and income, type
of employment, etc.). In this sense, it is possible that behind
the variables relating to feeling Catalan there are matters concerning
social status that the variables concerning the level of education
do not manage to deal with.
However, we believe that the overwhelming maze of the results is
sufficient to make it clear that not everything behind the political
positioning of young people is status. There are other structural
questions that explain these positionings. In this sense, we would
venture to say that the bulk of the variables concerning the political
positions that we have analysed in the piece of research are signs
of a structuring axis of the social position of individuals: the
social centrality that operates as a second organising axis of the
social structure. Our interpretation is that the variables of feeling
Catalan refer in a very clear way to this second structuring axis
of the positions on the social structure, that which situates subjects
in more central or more peripheral positions of the social structure.
By social centrality, we understand the ability to immediately
and without reflection understand the different institutional settings
that make up the relational, organisational and communicative fabric
that gives collective life sense beyond the group of people with
whom we maintain face-to-face relationships. Therefore, centrality
conditions the ability to decode and understand, first, and then
to feel as one's own, the different social and political frameworks
in which the individual moves. "Feel as their own" implies
being able to be criticised or expressly distancing, not just adhering
acritically.
The fact is that the concept of positional centrality is controversial,
because it is difficult to make out what the "relational, organisational
and communication fabric" is, which, if shared, gives meaning
to collective life. In fact, one of the characteristics of the modern
world is to unravel this institutional reference framework shared
by all individuals. However, we believe that there is a bulk of
institutions -formal and informal- and social norms -implicit and
explicit-that mark off the bulk of shared things that are taken
for granted that facilitate social life with strangers and the everyday
orientation of individuals in all non-habitual situations thanks
to the predetermined types of the action.
In fact, our interpretation is, as we said before, that not completely
distancing oneself from politics is one of the best indicators of
this central or peripheral positioning in the social fabric. Therefore,
distancing oneself from politics is the indicator of something far
more basic: the distancing from the institutional framework in a
more generic sense. Here we should remember that we understand distancing
in a deep sense, as the inability to recognize and identify anything
that refers to the concept of "politics". This is something
that affects a minority of the young people, in this radical sense.
“Feeling Catalan” is not the only element that favours
centrality or periphery in individual people's social position.
In fact, the variables of social status can also be interpreted
as indicative of greater or lesser social centrality, as they only
refer to different hierarchical positions in the social structure.
As far as hierarchical indicators are concerned, the variables of
social status tell us about the unequally distributed possibilities
for enjoying the possibilities of material enjoyment or for occupying
places of social relevance at different levels (this would be the
axis of vertical ordering of the social structure). At the same
time, however, the variables of social status are also indicative
of the greater possibilities of individuals to be in central or
peripheral social positions, in view of the fact that the better
they are situated in the social hierarchy, the easier it is to develop
these abilities to recognize the different significant social environments.
The vertical axis (unequal distribution of the possibilities of
material enjoyment) and the horizontal axis (what I have called
social centrality ) are usually associated in individuals, as the
distribution of cognitive resources and of resources to enjoy and
position oneself socially usually come from the very same institutions
and socialisation processes. They are, however, differentiated analytical
axes which, as we see, have autonomous behaviour.
Therefore, “feeling Catalan” is also indicative of
greater or lesser centrality. and they are so with as much or even
more exclamatory capacity than the variables of social status. In
fact, at an explanatory level, it often appears as being more influential
than social status. In the regression models, both spoken language
as well as origin systematically showed the same thing. Both those
people who spoke more in Catalan during their childhood as well
as young people born in Catalonia as children of parents born in
Catalonia tend to be more participative and closer to politics.
Our interpretation is that by being deeply rooted in the relational
networks and the recognition of institutional environments -both
those referring to social organisations as well as everyday relational
frameworks -as references in their own right explained this greater
tendency to social centrality of young people anchored in being
Catalan. Both the origin as well as the language becomes central
elements in the facility for recognizing and positioning in institutional
environments and therefore, in the positioning within the political
field -despite being affected by one or more of the foldings mentioned.
In addition, young people tend to identify the correlation between
political positioning and feeling Catalan more easily than between
political positioning and social status. In short, for the young
people who are most opposed it is just as easy or even more so to
identify politically committed young people as "Catalinos"
(Catalan speakers of Catalan origin) than young people from privileged
positions (we can find other references to this in the article by
Roger Martínez in this same monograph). In addition, despite
the fact that the influence of both elements can be considered as
independent, and we have already shown how there is an accumulative
influence, as feeling Catalan and the positioning in positions of
privileged status tend to correlate.
Table 3. Young people’s
positioning in the political field according to the language habitually
spoken in their childhood. Percentages, Catalonia, 2005.
|
Language habitually
spoken during childhood |
Type of positioning |
Catalan |
Spanish |
Both |
Others |
Total |
Type 1 |
48,4 |
22,0 |
21,7 |
7,9 |
100% |
Type 2 |
57,5 |
17,3 |
24,5 |
0,7 |
100% |
Type 3 |
26,1 |
47,7 |
19,7 |
6,4 |
100% |
Type 4 |
48,8 |
28,6 |
22,3 |
0,3 |
100% |
Type 5 |
29,1 |
43,4 |
26,5 |
1,0 |
100% |
Type 6 |
7,6 |
67,7 |
14,1 |
10,6 |
100% |
Type 7 |
2,7 |
50,9 |
2,1 |
44,3 |
100% |
Total |
34,3 |
38,0 |
19,6 |
8,1 |
100% |
Source: Participation, politics and young people.
(Gonzàlez, Collet and Sanmartín, 2007)
The explanatory collinear nature that exists between
the variable of origin, that refers to the "objective",
material position of assignation of individuals in relational networks
is especially interesting in that it shows, grosso modo, up to what
point their insertion into them is recent or deeply rooted, or is
only rooted by the cultural facility to insert oneself in it, and
the linguistics, which tells us about the social uses of individuals,
therefore, to a super-structural cultural assignation. One of the
doors that the piece of research leaves open is that of looking
more deeply, beyond the general collinear nature, into what happens
in these individuals in which one or another position are not parallel.
We refer to those individuals whose families are rooted in Catalonia
but who are Spanish speakers, or to individuals who are relative
newcomers but Catalan speakers, whether they were in their childhood
or later. It would also be interesting to cover the situation of
people who, not originating from Catalan speaking environments,
acquire Catalan as a habitual language during their youth; in other
words, those who "anchor themselves to feeling Catalan"
through linguistic practice after their childhood.
This analysis would enable us to deal with a vitally important
question: up to what point does Catalan become a cultural barrier
to the identification with politics and more generically, in the
social and institutional environments of Catalonia, or whether it
is a cultural shortcut in this identification. Language can become,
at a symbolic level, a cultural artefact that encysts individuals
in situations of removing their roots and lack of recognition of
their own social and political protagonism in the Catalan environment,
and by extension in the entire social and political environment,
or to the contrary, it can facilitate the transition to such a rooting
and recognition, accelerating what Salvador Cardús calls
solution of the condition of being an immigrant (Cardús,
2005).
Catalan could possibly generate either one or the other affect.
In fact, depending on which statements of resistance towards the
institutions, they would seem to state themselves with particular
firmness among young Catalan people, born in Catalonia, but Spanish-speaking
and with a low family and job status. They are young people who
fit into Type 6 of the synthesis classification. In these cases
-and also in part of the young Spanish speaking people not affected
by this complete opposition, but by the rhetorical folding- that
which is seen as the disaccredited political environment often goes
beyond political parties and the administration. By identifying
proximity, any political statement "contaminates" this
dislike, even the anti-institutional and critical ones - many of
them led by young Catalan speakers in situations of status that
are not unfavourable belonging to Type 1- and also Catalan language,
a cultural artefact with which this far reaching world of what is
political, what is institutional, what is politically correct expresses
itself sometimes, despite the appearance of radical nature. In the
subjective perception of determined young people everything is part
of the same institutional conglomeration against which they rebel
or show reactive hostility.
As a cultural artefact, language is the object of emotional adhesions
and other actions. This depends, to a great degree, on the kind
of associative resonance of the artefact; in our case, Catalan.
Catalan has different political resonance. Among a large part of
young Catalan people who are more politically minded, Catalan is
the object of political defence. For these young people, the language
of the administration is that of the central state: Spanish. For
many other young people, on the other hand, neither Catalan or Spanish
are the object of explicit political defence. For Catalan speakers,
on the whole Catalan does not resound as an institutional language,
however for many Spanish speakers of Catalan origin it does resound
like an institutional language, and therefore it is usually associated
with negative connotations that the world has about what the institutional
world involves, conventions imposed by the structures of power of
which they are notably hostile. Suffice to say that at this initial
moment, the negative resonance of Catalan does not have so much
to do with that they are identified with the world of politics,
but with their identification, during childhood and adolescence,
with the more generic area of formal institutions: school, local
administration and with the conventional world. To a great degree,
adolescence is culturally constructed in opposition to everything
that smacks of convention and formality - the study by Gonzàlez,
Alegre and Benito, on advertising aimed at children, adolescents
and young people is a good example of this (2006) - and Catalan
can be associated to it. The quote of a young female university
student from a Spanish-speaking working class district shows this
symbolic role that Catalan plays:
I have differentiated a great deal between university friends
and friends from my district (...) but you have to ... our district
is ... more than immigrants, it is a district that ... we are
the only people who speak Catalan and we are called "posers"
because we go to university; that says it all ... I say to one
of my friends in the district that I'm going to the theatre and
they laugh at me I can't tell any of my friends that I've got
to go and see a play or that we're going to a museum ... and that
doesn't mean that every time I go with my friends from here [the
University] I go to see a museum ...
Cecília, a Catalan University student
In many cases however, the resonance is underlying, it does not
crystallise in ideologies of linguistic hostility. Among a large
number of Spanish-speaking adolescents, in particular those who
do not live on an everyday basis with Catalan speaking adolescents,
Catalan is the language that tends to generate a certain rejection
because of the underlying associations they make of it, but they
are preconscious associations. In the passage from adolescence to
youth, and later to adulthood, this resonance can be consolidated
in ideologies of resistance, dissolve themselves and even invert
their tone. Adolescent linguistic adhesions, often reinforced by
consumer and leisure time areas in Spanish, are not irreversible.
The passage to the world of work, to university or to having children
often involves contextual changes that can generate emotional reversibility
or ideological consolidation.
In the case of the University, it is particularly interesting in
the framework of this article, because it enables us to speak of
experiences narrated in the discussion groups. University is, for
many young Spanish-speaking people, the first context in which they
have habitual horizontal contract with a high percentage group of
individuals who speak Catalan. We interviewed young people in whom
this contact has neutralised the negative resonance of Catalan (or
consolidated positive minority resonance in their childhood environments),
and others, on the other hand, in whom they have crystallised into
a discourse of linguistic resistance. The two following quotes,
from two female university students from Spanish-speaking environments,
exemplified these two trends that are generated by immersion into
an environment, the University, (perceived as being) mainly Catalan
speaking.
[Since I have been studying at University] I have noticed it
... I know it is I am much more left wing and much more “Catalan”,
much more ... (...) In my neighbourhood, there are immigrants
from Spain but they are not Catalan and this is very noticeable
(...) I have always loved Catalonia and have tended towards Catalan
nationalism, but since I came here, even more. And they stay neutral,
or towards the other side, more fascist... And not just with matters
concerning Catalonia, also with immigration ... I think I'm more
tolerant, I don't know why, I don't know if this is because I've
got more information or because I have other values (...)
Cecilia, a Catalan university student
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