|
The collective identity crisis is the
result of the processes of change and transformation that were occurring in the social
structure of Basque society during the 50s and 60s. In reality, this cultural identity
crisis is the identity crisis of the society itself, but, above all, the social definition
of the said cultural identity, Euskaldun identity, whose reference point was the social
structure of traditional society, rural society, where it was still possible to find
parity or equivalence between cultural identity and Euskaldun culture. This identification
between Euskaldun population and territory was effectively broken by the impact of
immigration: "Immigration [basically migration within the Spanish state] which was
already noted as a disruptive invasion within the original nationalism, was destined to
become an authentic physical alteration of the potentially Euskaldun population. In the
60s the Euskaldun provinces of guipuzkoa and Biskay experienced increasing percentages of
(Spanish) immigrant population in the urban industrial conurbations. The immigrants in
question came from areas with no connection with Basque culture; at the same time there
were large-scale shifts of population within the region which seemed to bring about
unprecedented changes in a basic equation in Basque identity: that of Euskaldun
population and Euskaldun population." (Arpal et
al., 1982:44).
It was in this
context of Basque crisis of identity, raised to a conscious level, that, paradoxically,
the need for cultural and linguistic recovery was articulated. The impact on Basque
society was such that it came to mark a whole generation, a decisive moment of maximum
demand for the participatory, communicative function of the language, which made any
attempt to fully meet the demand to learn Euskera all but impossible.(5)
The third
indicator of the culture renaissance is the growth in the bibliographic production in
Euskera: the 25 books published, for example, in the year 1960 became 154 in 1975,
representing a 616% increase in 15 years. From the 90s onward, around 1,200 titles have
been published annually.
4.
Intervention and planning in the 80s and 90s
In synthesis, an
inventory of the linguistic changes undergone by Euskera in the Basque Autonomous
Community would feature the characteristics that we consider here. To a great extent they
are the result of public intervention and language planning (6) knowledge of Basque has
extended in the last two decades. One in every three Basque speakers acquired Basque over
this period. Knowledge of Basque is advancing in all of the counties making up the three
Historic Territories of the Basque region: Araba, Biscay and Gipuzkoa: the percentage of
Euskalduns (Basque speakers) has increased by ten percent. The greatest concentration of
new Euskalduns is in Araba.
The changes that
have occurred from one generation to the next are also very notable. While the percentage
of Basque speakers is dropping in the oldest age group, among middle aged speakers this is
remaining stable, and among young people there has been a marked recovery.
The decrease in
the proportion of Basque speakers in the Basque Autonomous Community occurred in the
middle decades of the twentieth century as a result of social and political pressure
brought to bear on Euskera within the framework of a totalitarian regime, of the voluntary
or forced abandoning of Euskera by some Euskalduns as an outcome of the pressure exercised
within the educational and cultural system (an important aspect in this process of loss of
attachment to the language was its absence or low prestige compared to other
alternatives), the internal migrations from rural to urban areas and to other countries,
and the demographic growth which made it possible for the Basque Autonomous Community to
absorb significant influxes of population during the 50s and 60, boosting industrial and
economic growth.
In recent years
the transmission of the language from parents to children has been maintained, although in
this respect there are big differences between one territory and another since the
majority of those who have Basque as their mother tongue live in Guipuzkoa, while those
who live in Araba (southern Basque Country) constitute less than 3% of the population.
Reproduction of the language in the family is greater where the Basque speaking
environment in which they are inserted is greater. Loss of Basque speakers is steady at
1%, while incorporation of neo-Basque speakers never ceases to grow.
The substantial
increase in bilinguals would not be possible without the contribution made by the schools
in teaching Euskera to the rising generations. The proportion of Euskalduns is
significaticantly among the younger generation than among the elderly. As a result of the
introduction of Basque in the compulsory education system, six out of ten of those aged
under 10 are bilingual.
The linguistic
change led by the new generation aged under 20 is due to the transmission of Euskera
within the bosom of the family but, also due above all, to the contribution made by the
educational system to the production of new Basque speakers. The informal education system
and the ikastolas stemmed the loss of Euskera
amongst adults, while among the youngest generation the linguistic models fostered in the
course of compulsory schooling are responsible for the existence of one in three Basque
speakers. The importance of the linguistic practices of these new neo-Basque speakers (7) is of the greatest significance
for the future of Euskera, since in the coming years they will have to decide whether or
not to transmit Euskera as mother tongue to their descendents, both because of its
relevance and for the greater growth of the language. The significance of this group of
Basque speakers is very great in the case of Araba and Biscay, while quantitatively and
qualitatively less so in Guipuzkoa.
The progressive
introduction of Euskera into the educational system in general and at the University of
the Basque Land has contributed to its presence at the highest levels of scientific and
cultural endeavour. The teaching of Euskera to adults has experienced a notable upturn as
a result of the collaboration between the movement for recovery of the language, the
private organisations and the Administration.
There is a central
core strategy on which the possibility of extending the Basque language for the next
generations rests: the constant growth of the bilingual teaching models (B) and the Basque
speaking population (D), and the reduction of the Spanish teaching model (A), could be
interpreted as a firm backing by parents in favour of the well-being of Euskera, of a
desire for the linguistic normalisation of the language and, in many cases, for a
pragmatic calculation of the exchange value of Euskera on the job market. It would not
seem that instrumental, affective or political reasons will mean an immediate change in
the progressive substitution of Spanish model (A) by the Euskaldun (D), rather there are
numerous indicators to the contrary. If we observe the evolution of such linguistic models
over the last two decades, we can state that pressure for bilingualism has gradually
shifted from infant and primary education to compulsory secondary and the university, at
least in public education. The private sector has shown itself so far to be somewhat less
permeable than the public to the process of euskaldunización
that is, the change-over to Euskera.
Neo-Basque
speakers with incomplete fluency represent the future of Euskera and the ensuring of its
intensive recovery and revitalisation. On their response to the social and political
pressures vis-à-vis Euskera will depend the immediate progression and transmission of
Euskera to future generations, if we take it for granted that native Basque speakers and
balanced bilinguals will maintain their fidelity to Basque.
It is in intimate
circles that Euskalduns make most frequent use of Basque. As we move out of the family and
the circle of friends, the intensity of use of Euskera decreases. The most
institutionalised and formal spaces are those which generate greatest resistance to the
use of Euskera.
Both if we
approach the utilisation of Euskera by means of census information or if we do so by means
of questionnaires, the patterns of language use of the Basque speakers varies according to
four variables: age, ability and facility in the use of Euskera, the density of Euskera
speakers in the family and the demographic density Basque speakers in the environment.
Young people speak Euskera less than adults and elderly, tend to use it less where they
have les fluency in Basque than in other competing languages -less ability equals less use Basque is used less
in families where fewer than 80% know it and, lastly, there is less communication in
Euskera by those that can speak it in geographical areas where less than half the
population is bilingual.
The characteristic
features of the process of recuperation of Euskera and the structural conditions of point
of departure are the social limits which language policies aimed at the obtaining of a
bilingual society come up against. The youngest speakers neo-Basque speakers in many
cases use less Euskera than adults because while being bilinguals they have greater
competence in Spanish. Their distinctively greater ability in Spanish takes them into a
linguistic economy which takes them away from Basque in the absence of other personal or
collective incentives. Many new Basque speakers have no one to speak to in Euskera at
home, given that most family members will be exclusively or mainly Spanish speakers, and
where that isnt so, custom and language habits do the rest. What is more, the great
majority of the neo-Basque speakers live in geographic areas where Spanish clearly
predominates, making it complicated to maintain, or simply find, a Basque-speaking social
setting. In any case, competing with Spanish in the environment, when one has previously
interiorised the shrunken linguistic frontiers within which Basque operates in a good part
of the Basque Autonomous Community, is both difficult and complicated.
Despite these
objective and subjective difficulties the future of Euskera seems bright. For the first
time in many decades, what becomes of the language depends on the attentions and
temptations of the Basque-speaking community and, to an increasing extent, on the
neo-Bascophones the new Basque speakers, a strategic and privileged milieu for
language change and deserving of a thorough scientific investigation in the future.
5.
Market, value, production and consumption of the language
In the two
previous sections we have seen some of the consequences arising from three aspects of
relationships between economy and language: language as an institution that generates
habits, classifications and objectifications of a linguistic nature among speakers, the
political economy of the language market structurally linked to economic and political
power, and the political economy of the agents who promote a particular type of practice
and linguistic exchange between social actors. We will now turn to the analysis of
relations between value, market and language, or, to be more exact, the value of the
language in the market.
Public
intervention -in the form of planning, in linguistic processes- has led to a significant
extension of the knowledge and use of Euskera, and a change in the social evaluation of
the language. Given that the economic value of a language (that is, a language as an
economic resource) comes about as a result of its market positioning, (8) my intention here is to take a
closer look at these relations.
A writer who has
known, more than most, how to capture and describe the evaluation of objects that is made
in consumer societies is Jean Baudrillard. For Baudrillard consumer objects can have:
a) an use value
b) an exchange value
c) a symbolic value
d) a sign value social prestige
One thing is use
and another very different is use value. The term use refers to the handling of objects,
of things, in this case the language and, therefore. Although in this sense all languages
are similar, use value depends on other factors such as communicative usefulness, its
easiness, scarcity or rarity, its beauty, and so forth. Values, these, which could vary
from social context to another, from one group to another, from one point in history to
another. In general, the more a language is used, the greater the possibility of
encountering a higher use value, and a more positive evaluation of knowledge or use of
that language.(9)
Together with its
use value, a language or language variety takes on an exchange value. Such evaluations are
based, in part, on the use values and, in part too, on pragmatic, instrumental and
utilitarian considerations of a non-linguistic nature which move people to learn or to use
a language to attain other ends (enjoyment, culture, employment, etc.). The symbolic value
of a language has to do with what we have termed the participatory function of language.
It involves a subjective projection of an affective nature such that we attribute a value
to the language as a symbol of belonging, of identity, as happens on numerous occasions
with the mother tongue or ancestral tongue. These ratings or evaluations are relatively
independent, in principle, of use value and exchange value. On occasions, high symbolic
value can be attributed to a language which has been lost, or fallen into disuse, but
which enjoys a special position for the symbolic value it has. |