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Together with the decrease of functional
as well as regional areas where the Estonian language was used, the rapid rise of the
status of Russian took place. It was caused by several factors, like Russian being
compulsorily the sole language for several functional spheres, the construction of a
Russian-medium network of plants, factories, offices, institutions and service bureaus, a
parallel to the already operating Estonian-medium ones, as well as entertainment
facilities and residence areas, providing full-scale education (including higher
education, vocational schools etc) and services in Russian. These structures were filled
with the regular massive influx of immigrants. As a result a Russian-speaking environment
was created in Estonia with no contacts with Estonians and the Estonian language,
hindering effectively possible integration.
Assimilation of
third nationalities was one of the key elements in creating this Russian language
environment in Estonia. According to the 1989 census, the ethnic composition in Estonia
was as follows: 963,000 Estonians, 475,000 Russians, 48,000 Ukrainians, 28,000
Belorussians, 16,600 Finns, 4,600 Jews, 4,000 Tartars, 3,500 Latvians and 3,000 Poles. The
group of third nationalities (ethnic non-Estonians and non-Russians) was mostly
assimilated to the Russian language (in Estonia!). In this category belonged mostly ethnic
Ukrainians, Belorussians, Jews, Germans and Poles -- according to the 1989 census only 40%
used their native languages as the first language, 52% were russified, and approximately
8% had switched to Estonian. The percentage of those claiming Russian as their native
language was 78.4% among Jews, 67.1% among Belorussians, 63.4% among Poles, 56.5% among
Germans, 54.5% among Ukrainians.
4.
Language policy of Russification
Language policy in
official documents was discussed implicitly under the disguise of ideology. The only
exception seemed to be acquisition planning. The goals of the Soviet language policy in
Estonia seemed to be:
full-scale
Russian monolingualism for Russians, with local titular language learning optional or
formal, (with no lessons or even a teacher), backed by cadre rotation (for military
personnel, Communist Party bureaucrats);
minority
bilingualism for other titular nations, with Russian-medium functional domains in
expansion;
assimilation of
"third nationalities", mostly to Russian.
The Soviet
language policy in Estonia was implemented through a favoured immigration pattern. In
order to consolidate immigrants on the basis of Russian language, three steps were
implemented:
Against integrity
of Estonian other activities were implemented:
5.
Language policy since 1988
The years from
1988 onwards reflect the biggest changes in Estonian society, influencing all domains.
Therefore, language policy, based on an entirely different concept from the previous one,
was one of the main cornerstones in the modification of Estonian society. Due to the
heritage of the previous period, the renormalisation policy has been slow and difficult.
In particular, the existence of two mobilised linguistic groups, the Estonian-speaking and
the Russian-speaking ones, both identifying themselves as the majority in Estonia and
representing opposite views on several crucial issues, has made solutions difficult to
find. The conditions of perestroika, providing more freedom, enabled the mass
mobilisation of these groups, causing gradual increase of tension and conflict. This was
accompanied with the diminishing central power, especially in the domain of ideology,
channelling the struggle for the redistribution of power on the axis of the centre
(Moscow) and the republic (Estonia), with the leadership of the republic losing its
dependence on Moscow and coming more and more under the influence of the population of
Estonia.
The functional
domains that went through rearrangement (banking, real estate) or re-established anew
(Estonian Army), or were highly profitable (and legal, like information technology), were
Estonianised. While those vast former Union-subordinated factories and plants that did not
correspond to these criteria, continued to operate in Russian, with only thr control and
management structure shifting to Estonian.
The Baltic
republics took the avantgarde position in perestroika, being most receptive to perestroika;
however the Baltic peoples wanted to go much further than Moscow reformers were prepared
to allow (Smith 1994:139). Thus, having no powerful control at their disposal, they took
two main directions, which were not desired by the incumbent political leaders, namely the
restoration of the national sovereignty of Estonia, and the restoration of the right of
existence for the languages and cultures of Estonians and other discriminated ethnic
groups.
The two
corresponding laws were the Declaration of Sovereignty and the Language Law. The Supreme
Council of the Estonian SSR passed the Declaration of Sovereignty on 16 November 1988,
declaring the supremacy of Estonian laws over Soviet ones. The proclamation of Estonian as
the official state language in Estonia, and its legalisation as such by a corresponding
Constitutional amendment, was passed by the Supreme Council on 6 December 1988.
Several additional
pro-Estonian steps were taken: the legalisation of the national colours, the restoration
of the name of the Republic of Estonia, the declaration of Estonia as being in a period of
transition towards independence (restitutio ad integrum), and the establishment of
immigration quotas. A number of measures were taken in order to restore the Estonian
language to its rightful status. In August 1990 the Estonian Government decided to repeal
all acts which discriminated against the use of Estonian and to create a body empowered to
supervise the implementation of the Language Law. On 23 November 1990 the National
Language Board was established. It was the main body responsible for implementing language
planning in Estonia, monitoring the use of Estonian, the official language, both as a
native language and as a second language, and also supporting and regulating minority
language use among the adult population. Its work was based on the relevant articles of
the Constitution, the Language Law, the Law on Education and the Law on Cultural Autonomy
as well as on the international human rights standards. The primary functions of the Board
were the elaboration of language policy and language planning strategies, including the
organisation, supervision, and analysis of the implementation of the Language Law, the
improvement of language teaching methods, the supervision of normative terminological and
onomastic work, and the conducting of sociolinguistic studies.
In Estonia a
sophisticated set of problems of democracy and human rights had to be disentangled, among
which were the expanding confrontation between the two linguistic communities. Estonians
had the right to end occupation and oppression, including linguistic oppression.
Simultaneously, those who in-migrated during the occupation, did not expect the occupation
to come to an abrupt end, meaning that they had to face obligations connected with
language and citizenship, lowering their competitiveness in the employment market and
worsening their relative living standard relative to the indigenous population.
Thus, two key
issues of Estonian transformation emerged for which the popular movements had to take a
stand: sovereignty of Estonia, on the one side, and the Estonian language protection and
other cultural issues, on the other.
6.
Language Law of 1989
The Language Law
was passed on 18 January 1989 by the Supreme Soviet of the Estonian Soviet Socialist
Republic. It was a provisional one in its content, matching the needs of the
transformational process underway in Estonia. Though it described Estonian as the sole
official language, due to political expediency, the main principle was based on the
requirement of Estonian-Russian bilingualism, which required that holders of certain jobs
had proficiency in both Estonian and Russian (in most cases the knowledge of 800 words
were sufficient). To reach the required level a 4-year delay was introduced in the law, so
that it became effective in 1 February 1993. The Law was in force until 1995, when the Law
on Language of 1995 declared it null and void.
The Language Law
of 1989 should be seen as a remedy to language problems at that time. The main problem had
been a catastrophic growth of Russian monolingualism, reasons being demographic changes,
low status of Estonian in several functional and regional areas, and non-integrative
education. Language laws in this context should thus be regarded as the response to the
considerable threat to local national and linguistic autonomy.
The law was guided
by the following principles:
The principle of
bilingualism of services and state agencies , with the right of customers to choose the
language of communication, introduced constraints on monolingualism of shop assistants and
service personnel, which, taking the situation into account, meant restrictions for
Russians overwhelmingly monolingual at that time on upward mobility and on
employment in positions of public contact.
Language
requirements instead of ethnic criteria. Language as a vital element of national
identity and national survival was non-negotiable. Simultaneously the issue of ethnicity
was less significant, with the Estonian population accustomed to minorities. Thus, no
ethnic preferences in legislation and administration were introduced, but instead,
language requirements, while providing clear language rights for speakers of other
languages (Ozolins 1994: 168).
Language law
with progaganda effects, rather than for implementation. Several articles of the Law
had no legal meaning, or their implementation was beyond the reach of a democratic state.
Thus, these should be considered as signals for a change of direction. Simultaneously,
implementation of the law was secondary, and politically sensitive, demanding some
postponement in the future. This may be the reason why the office set up for
implementation of the law, the National Language Board, was established only in 1990. This
has been noted by Maurais (1997: 158), who regards the lack of a state agency entrusted
with all the practical aspects of implementing the switchover from Russian as a major
flaw.
Visible signs
of the new language policy. (Maurais 1997:152) has emphasised the necessity of visible
change in some language policy domains, in order to reduce uncertainty about the future of
the language through visible, concrete manifestations of language. In the Estonian case
these may be public bilingual signs and information, and language requirements for
employment.
Language law
as power redistributor. The Language law caused the mobilisation of groups based on
linguistic interests. However, the anxiety was not the content of the law, but the
political factors behind the law. Maurais (1991) who analysed the Estonian Language Law in
comparison with Quebec and 4 other republics, noted that the language question conceals
power struggles in a given society, as it has been noted repeatedly, extralinguistic
factors play their part in language planning (Maurais 1991:119).
From the formal
point of view, the Estonian Language Law of 1989 did not alter the former situation
substantially, but rather maintained the status quo by granting the right to
receive education in ones native language, with Estonian enjoying higher status
among Estonians and Russian among Russians (cf. Taagepera 1990). Ozolins (1994), however,
considers these modest language policies of the Baltic states as a crucial element in
national reconstruction and transition from the Soviet system. The Language Law redefined
Estonian language from a de facto acquired minority status to a full national
status as the language of state and administration, and of most social discourse (Ozolins
1994: 161).
In this way, the
adoption of the Law signalled the redistribution of power and together with it, the
formation of new elites in Estonia. Due to the insignificant formal changes for most of
the Russian-speaking population (the Law did not concern the main bulk of that population
directly), the ambiguity of the situation with the two endo-majorities remained, thus
causing several further conflicts and offering grounds for outside political influence.
Ozolins supports the view that Estonia has, in the short period since independence,
been able to substantially realise its language policy aims. (Ozolins 1994: 161).
However, the main
scope was laid on short-term visible programmes, while long-term programmes like
educational and integrational schemes, were not given adequate attention or were even
neglected. Thus, the new emerging situation was still not a satisfactory one, and it
needed a further qualitative step to be made in order to improve the linguistic situation
in Estonia.
Thus, Estonian
language functions in four different types of language environment. However,
Estonian is the sole language spoken all over the Estonia in various combinations of
environment. Firstly, it provides the sole linguistic environment in a major part of the
Estonian territory, with the exception of major cities, the urban areas of Harjumaa and
Ida-Virumaa and the western shore of Lake Peipsi. Secondly, it competes successfully with
Russian in the environment of stratified linguistic pluralism in most cities with the
Russian community present (Tallinn, Tartu, Pärnu, Haapsalu, Kehra, Loksa, etc.),
Estonians form a minority in 6 urban areas and 4 communes. Thirdly, in the western shore
of Peipsi (Mustvee, Kallaste) peaceful bilingual coexistence of Estonian and Russian
language environments seems to be in place. Finally, Estonian is marginalised in some
towns and cities of Ida-Virumaa (Narva, Sillamäe, etc.). |