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When discussing the modernist
Joaquim Casas-Carbó, we clearly need to highlight his absolutely modern, contemporary
proposal of egalitarian linguistic trilingualism (Catalan-Spanish-French) relating to the
sociolinguistic models of state, but by applying it to our times where French has lost the
role of international language that it held until the nineteenth century. In this model,
French would be the language of intermediation, preventing subordination to
Spanish. He distinguishes between four sociolinguistic models of state and rejects the
multilingual model of state whereby a single language enjoys political hegemony.
For this
writer, the best solution for international linguistic justice would be to promote an
auxiliary, international language. Another important area of the discourse of Casas-Carbó
is his modern, clairvoyant view of the mechanisms of language use, contact and change,
which he defines as "the study of linguistic biology". Casas-Carbó is a true
precursor of the genre of discourse that centres on the diagnosis of the Catalan
situation; this genre begins to take force from 1979 onwards with the
publication of the article "Una nació sense estat, un poble sense llengua". Our
author pre-empts this trend and uses clear and current concepts such as "languages in
contact", "superimposition", "sphere" in the sense of area of
use, "superimposed languages", "linguistic group", "prestige
(linguistic)", "language invasion", "lack of conscience" or
"linguistic disloyalty"; he points out some of the defensive or
pro-standardising mechanisms: facilitation of communication between speakers; promotion of
the speakers own language; fostering of literature, self-esteem and rejection of the
self-hatred that he terms "spite" and that he defines by what he terms the
"law of imitation and respect of the inferior for the superior", thus
pre-empting the reflections of R. L.Ninyoles (1969 and 1971). He is very aware of the role
of social classes in linguistic conflict and even the factor of genre; he distinguishes
between the situation of Catalan and other languages such as Greek, Norwegian, Danish,
Flemish and Bulgarian, which are smaller languages than Catalan but taken into
consideration politically-speaking. Instead, he tends to compare Catalan with
languages of a more standardised status, rather than the typical comparison with languages
on the verge of extinction; hence this is a modern discourse of reference.
Prat de la
Riba considered that "language forms social units above individuals" and that
"it is a constitutive element of nationality", underlining that "nothing
compares to this unity of spirit determined by the community of the language". He
demands official status for Catalan as Almirall did in 1880 at the First Congrés
Catalanista and defines one of the key characteristics of Catalan nationalism.
Carles Riba
represents the best ideas of Noucentisme on the language issue, where Catalan
clearly adopted the role of common language or the national language of the Catalans, as a
cohesive element of nationality. Riba highlights the importance that intellectual elites
have the aim of constructing a "language of culture"; elites who are "the
totalists of language", like that which directed the process of standardisation of
Catalan under Pompeu Fabra.
For Riba, the
concept of linguistic conscience forms part of the idea of ideology; it serves to give
cohesion to the social group and enables us to give the psychological coherence required
to convert it into a tool of government. Murgades and Lamuela (1984) have already
explained the point to which Noucentisme had a clear ideology of the national
language; Riba stresses this by calling for Catalan to be the defining feature par
excellence of Catalan identity, since every language offers a certain "reality of
the world" and, although language "is not an unfailing agglutinant of a
nation", it does "accompany and strengthen the aptitude of a people".
Riba also
analyses the process of shift that Catalan had suffered and continues to suffer, and tries
to explain how it could have resisted the penetration of a language armed with prestige,
power and glory. Riba only sees the force of sentiment another term for
linguistic conscience and the cultural and educational shortcomings of
Spanish. The role of the intellectuals in "saving the language" is to reinforce
linguistic pride and character, as Batista Roca had already explained.
Alexandre
Galís rejection of social bilingualism is not merely the rejection of an educator:
it has broad, wide-reaching effects on in current social psychology. It is an ethical
attitude against emmudiment linguistic muting that favours the
language of speakers of subordinated nations. Galí analyses the Catalan sociolinguistic
situation, highlighting the importance of the geolinguistic, sociopolitical, and
ideological and cultural context. An external context and series of conditions that
influence what, at that time, was beginning to be called "bilingualism". Galí
condemns the violation of the educational and psychological rights of children who were
not educated in the language of their country, and who suffered the "scourge" of
the subtractive bilingualism of the "invading language": "bilingualism only
occurs when something disturbs monolingualism, that is to say, when, for a wide range of
reasons, an individual or community can be influenced by two different linguistic systems
(...) when linguistic phenomena (...) of change or linguistic disturbance occur". He
distinguishes this situation from the balanced bilingualism that can occur in isolated
individuals. Due to the influence of Isaac Epstein, he proposes the term polyglossia
to define his idea of conflictive social bilingualism, coinciding with the Catalan
educators, Carles Salvador and Delfí Dalmau. He also uses terms such as "subdued
language" and "dominating and imposed language", and concludes that
political and social factors cause two verbal disorders: verbal inhibition and impotence,
the alingualism to which the educator Josep Estalella also refers. A bilingualism
that "devours peoples". |