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Thus,
if we accept the basis of this comparison, during the last quarter of this century, the
number of Catalan-speakers has remained fairly stable, and may even have increased
slightly. Given the differential birth rate of both groups, this maintenance can only be
explained if a proportion of those who considered Spanish (or Spanish and Catalan) to be
their domestic language, or the children of these individuals, have adopted Catalan as
their exclusive language, as shown in Figure 2.Figure 2. Linguistic identity and
mother's place of birth. 2000. Percentages
As regards the
appearance of the bilingual group, everything points to it being a latent phenomenon
present twenty-five years ago. Although it is not a recent happening, it is expanding
gradually whilst, at the same time, the group of individuals who consider Spanish to be
their sole language is decreasing. (4)
From a
sociolinguistic point of view, this bilingual sector may not seem very significant,
particularly insofar as it concerns the use of Catalan. Even more so, if we remember that
this identity is not very well-established. However, our data indicates that this is not
the case: when the questions on linguistic use and linguistic identity are intersected,
important differences are revealed between Spanish-speakers and bilingual individuals in
terms of the use of languages in Catalonia, as we shall see later.
2. Domestic Language
Let us begin with
a panoramic view using Figure 3.
Figure 3. Language spoken with
father, partner and children. 2000. Percentages
All too often, we
are not fully aware of the tremendous effect of migrations on the recent history of
Catalonia. These figures serve to remind us. The clearest indication of this is the fact
that, in Catalonia, the majority group in terms of the language used for communicating
with both the mother and father, is that of Spanish-speaking citizens. We are talking
about 50% of the population, or even a little more, almost ten points difference with
those that communicate in Catalan. (5) Although the figures that we will
discuss later are relatively positive in this regard telling us that we have
progressed over recent decades the use of Catalan is still very limited and by no
means satisfactory.
No particularly
remarkable changes occur in the next block - the language spoken with the partner.
Thus, it is only
when we reach the third block the language spoken with children that we see
significant changes in domestic language.
Here, Catalan
finally becomes the progressing language and the most commonly selected option. The
bilingual option, on the other hand, is proportionally more important than in the other
two cases. (6)
Thus, as in the
previous section, it would appear that a certain language gain has occurred in terms of
this transgenerational aspect. We can confirm this by intersecting the language that
interviewees spoke with their fathers and that used with their children (if they have
any). See Figure 4.
Figure
4. Generational evolution of language use: language spoken with father and language spoken
with children. 2000. Percentages
It is clear that the group whose initial language was Catalan (or both languages)
has maintained the intergenerational language transmission: 93% is a very high index. In
contrast, a certain linguistic defection has occurred in the other group, both towards
Catalan and the bilingual option. |